By the late 1990s, the economy was on the verge of collapse and the country rocked by a wave of strikes by workers, nurses and teachers, to protest rising food and fuel prices. In 1998, even doctors went on strike to protest shortages of such basic supplies as soap and pain-killers.
Fleet of new Mercedes vehicles
And while the urban poor were rioting about food prices, the Mugabe government ordered a fleet of new Mercedes cars for the 50-odd cabinet ministers while 77-year old Mugabe himself and his 36-year-old wife, Grace Marufu, attended lavish parties and conferences abroad.
In 1999, President Mugabe further angered voters by tripling and quadrupling the salaries of his ministers. Rampant shortages of basic commodities – such as mealie meal, the national staple diet, bread, rice, potatoes, cooking oil and even soap – now keep inflation raging at more than 110 per cent.
With the flight of investors and closure of businesses due to attacks by militants – more than 30 businesses were attacked in May, 2001, alone – jobs are scarce, pushing Zimbabwe's unemployment to nearly 60 per cent.
A quarter of the population is infected with the Aids virus. The United Nations says more than half a million of Zimbabwe's 12.5 million people need emergency food aid. The state treasury is empty, pillaged by kamikaze kleptocrats and drained at the rate of $3 million a month by a mercenary involvement in Congo's war.
Cabinet ministers, army generals, relatives of President Mugabe, prominent figures in the ruling party and a score of the well-connected have launched lucrative business ventures to plunder Congo's rich resources – diamonds, cobalt and gold.
Angry rejection of criticism
Accordingly, the commander of the defence forces, Gen Vitalis Zvinavashe, warned recently that the country's military, police and intelligence chiefs would not accept a "Morgan Tsvangirai" as a national leader if he wins the election since he was not a veteran of Zimbabwe's independence struggle.
Dr Mugabe angrily rejects criticism of his government for the economic crisis. He blames British colonialists, greedy Western powers, the racist white minority and the IMF, which he denounced as that "monstrous creature."
But Zimbabwean voters know better. When Dr Mugabe asked them in a February 15, 2000 referendum for draconian emergency powers to seize white farms for distribution to landless peasants, they resoundingly rejected the constitutional revisions by 55 per cent to 45 per cent. Paranoid and desperate, Mugabe played his trump card. He sent his "war veterans" to seize white commercial farmland anyway.
To be sure, there is basic inequity in the distribution of land in Zimbabwe. Whites account for only about one per cent of Zimbabwe's population of 12.5 million, yet 4,500 white farmers continue to own nearly a third of the country's most fertile farmland. But the land issue has become a political tool, ruthlessly exploited by Mugabe at election time to fan racial hatred, solidify his vote among landless rural voters, to maintain his grip on power, and to divert attention from his disastrous Marxist-Leninist policies and ill-fated misadventures in the Congo.