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Please remember that the word "Slavery" also appears nowhere in the original Constitution, but several clauses were plainly written to address the institution. If one merely read the words of these clauses, without understanding the context, and without reviewing the statements made during the ratification debates, you could reach wildly erroneous conclusions. Kind of like what you are doing now with Section 3 of the 14th Amendment.
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I have about zero legal expertise or professional knowledge of the constitution, but as a layman, I have a problem with this type of reasoning. To take the Slavery issue as an example - Sure, the context of the ammendment being written and added to the Constitution may have been Slavery, but if all the authors wanted to do was narrowly and explicitly outlaw slavery, then they would have said so, explicitly. [re]The 13th Amendment did NOT pussy-foot around the topic It specifically used the word SLAVERY for the first time in the Constitution. Instead, they recognized that there were many other related injustices that fell into the same class of problem, of which slavery was just one. No, they did not. The 13th only outlawed slavery and involuntary servitude (another legal term for slavery). Read the Constitution. Don't make assumptions, read it and the Congression records. So they abstracted the idea and wrote in general terms in hopes of preventing the real root causes of the problem, rather than outlawing one specific example of such injustice. After all, that's what Constitutions are for: setting down the big broad strokes which frame the 1000's of other federal laws.
And I view this 14th ammendment issue the same way. The authors thought out their words carefully, and meant them to mean exactly what they say. If they only meant to stop the confederates, but figured it was ok for future rebels and enemy-aiders to be in office down the road, then they would have said so. Instead they wrote in broad language that clearly says that rebels, insurrectionists, and people who aid the enemy can't take office without 2/3 of the congress behind them.
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One of the canons of judicial construction is that when a clause can be construed many different ways, as can Section 3 of the 14th, we must look to the statements made by those who framed and passed it to understand its intent. This is why I mention the need to read the Congressional records that pertains to the framing of the 14th.
The people who framed it clearly meant it to apply to the recently defeated Confederates. The reason for the clause "or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof" was to cover those who supported the Confederacy, but without actually serving in the military or Confederate government. Active service was covered by the "engaged in insurrection or rebellion" clause, more passive support by the "aid and comfort" clause. Military or governmental service in the Confederacy was considered
de facto evidence of rebellion, which per the amendment did not require proof in court (again, read the Congression Record). The more passive support still required proof in court, the same level of proof required in all treason cases.
Even if we stretch Section 3 to cover future rebels and traitors, there still must be a judicial finding before the prohibition attaches. Mere suspicion of having given aid and comfort, or the opinion of some, is not enough to bar one from holding office. If it were, all it would take was some DU dunce to get up a petition charging Bush with giving aid and comfort to the "enemy" (as defined by them) in order to have him removed from office.
Since Kerry does not get a day in court before he is barred, why not the same for Bush? Remember that there was clear evidence tha Aaron Burr tried to set up a separate country carved out of U.S. territiory. But Burr had to be acquitted on the treason charge because the Constitution REQUIRES two witnesses to testify in Court to the overt act (or a confession by the accused) and they only had one witness and a bunch of documents.
You see, I am so picky (even an SOB) about Constitutional issues because silly temporary passions, like this one, can set precedents that would be disastrous down the line. The Law of Unitended Consequences operates in this area with a vengeance. Only by clearly understanding the intent of those who framed and passed the Constitution and its amendments can we keep from injecting our personal opinions into that document. Instead, we can be guided by something a bit more solid.