(continued)
Transactions between the U.S. and Israel are not necessarily
worrisome by themselves; after all, as Israel has proved, there are a
host of countries willing to sell the weapons it needs. Currently,
Germany is Israel's source for submarines, and if Israel really
needed fighters, Russia is always looking to make a buck and always
seems to have a surfeit of aircraft and other excess defense
articles.
The real danger comes in Israel's habit of reverse engineering U.S.
technology and selling to nations hostile to U.S. interests. Israel's
client list includes Cambodia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, the South Lebanon
Army, India, China, Burma and Zambia. The U.S. has most recently
warmed up to India and is now in fact competing with Israel for arms
sales there, but the other Israeli customers remain dubious at best.
Perhaps the most troubling of all is the Israeli/Chinese arms
relationship. Israel is China's second largest supplier of arms.
Coincidentally, the newest addition to the Chinese air force, the F-
10 multi-role fighter, is an almost identical version of the Lavi
(Lion). The Lavi was a joint Israeli-American design based upon the F-
16 for manufacture in Israel, but financed mostly with American aid.
Plagued by cost overruns, it was canceled in 1987, but not before the
U.S. spent $1.5 billion on the project.
Last April, when the Navy EP-3E surveillance plane was forced to land
in China after a Chinese F-8 fighter flew into its propeller, photos
show Israeli built Python 3 missiles under the fighter's wings.
If Israeli weapons sales to China induce misgivings, including the
most recent U.S. blocked sale of Israel's Phalcon airborne radar, the
beneficiaries of Chinese arms transfers of Israeli-American
technology are even more disturbing. In 1996, as disclosed in the UN
Register of Conventional Arms, China sold over 100 missiles and
launchers to Iran, along with a handful of combat aircraft and
warships. [b]Even worse, in 1997 the New York Daily News reported that
Iraq had deployed Israeli-developed, Chinese PL-8 missiles in the no-
fly zones, endangering American pilots.[/b]
Americans deserve to know where their money is being spent, and how
money allocated for friends and technology shared with friends can
all too easily end up in the wrong hands, threatening all parties
involved. At a minimum, discussions on a new security framework for
the Middle East should include plans to monitor and restrict Israeli
transfers of U.S.-origin military equipment to potential adversaries.
Otherwise, this deadly technology could come back to haunt U.S. and
Israeli forces in future conflicts.
Jonathan Reingold is a research associate for the Arms Trade Resource
Center at the World Policy Institute and a military analyst for
Foreign Policy in Focus.